In May 2023, the nation was in shock when violence erupted in the state of Manipur between Meiteis and Kuki-Zo communities, with tribes and civil society caught in the middle. 79 days later, the conflict would evoke nationwide anger as videos emerged of kuki women getting raped by an extremist Meitei mob that led to the prime minister commenting on the violence. In the first few months, the conflict received minimal news coverage in mainstream media due to the then Karnataka state elections.
Little was reported in the mainstream press to cover the complexities of the conflict leading to an environment of speculation. Many observers attempting to identify these complexities have cited either a recent high court judgement at the time to include Meiteis in the scheduled tribe category, or events such as the coup d'etat in Myanmar in 2021 which led to a surge in refugees. Many demagogues including the chief minister (Biren Singh), engaging in inflammatory language disguised in the language of anti-illegal immigration, which have been seen as a catalyst to violence against Kuki-Zo communities, echoing what critics call a repetition of the 2002 Gujarat riots. With all this discourse, one point often effaced particularly amongst online discourse amongst netizens, is the matter of territory and cultural relations as the origins, and the politics behind them.
In party manifestos for Manipur in 2022 and in previous elections, both cultural and territorial preservation have always been interchangeably mentioned. Territory has both an economic and cultural meaning for communities, and like many other states across India, Manipur has had a long history of conflict that revolved around territory to an extent being a motivator. Along with these sentiments to land, emerged a political culture that gained a strong presence of xenophobia manifesting in vigilantism. An India Today article pointed this out 30 years ago when violence erupted in the valley between Pangals and Meiteis. With structures of vigilantism also emerged extremist groups like “Meitei Leepun” have emerged as both a participant of the violence, and according to the India Today NE, have pledged their support for Biren Singh.
The involvement of vigilantism and indirect support for it has also contributed to sectarianism with Kuki-Zo communities in the hill regions, and Meiteis concentrated in the valley. Meiteis have argued on the grounds of unfairness citing the 1960 Manipur land revenue and land reforms act where they can’t buy or settle in the hilly regions while Kuki-Zo communities are freely allowed to move. Many Kuki organisations have opposed this argument citing Meiteis living in the hill regions as counter evidence. This is a dispute that would later be exploited by vigilante factions.
It is clear that in a legal context, the aspect of land in economic and cultural terms should be thoroughly re-approached. However, with the current conditions, the furthering of xenophobia puts discourse in jeopardy. In times of a nadir in ethnic relations, when chief ministers themselves are a participant either directly or indirectly, the outcome is a trap.
Picture Credits: https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-india-66260730
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