“Tell me what you eat, and I will tell you what you are”. You’ve probably heard this quote before – it was first coined by the French gastronome Jean Anthelme Brillat-Savarin and was published in his book, “The Physiology of Taste”, in 1826. This holds to be powerfully relevant even today in the 21st century and holds deeper connotations in the Indian subcontinent.
The food you choose to order for dinner today, what is served in the university cafeteria, your comfort food, the kind of burger you like, even if you do or don’t like burgers – all of these choices, and the food itself hold significant symbolic meaning. In India, the food you eat is a function of your caste and class. Caste norms dictate what foods are desirable and what is ‘allowed’ based on notions of purity and pollution. The Indian subcontinent is also the only place where meat is reduced to a ‘non’ of vegetables – you don’t hear someone from Germany or even Angola calling forms of meat ‘non-vegetarian’. This distinction, then, between vegetarianism and meat-eating, lends itself greatly to caste norms, which also work to uphold the caste system itself. The practice of vegetarianism is often put on a pedestal by those engaging in it, and different types of meat present different meanings – beef, for instance, continues to be a topic of debate and has led to an increasing number of cases of violence incriminated by Hindu nationalist groups. However, the influence of globalization in urban spaces has brought about an intermixing of food cultures and people. How much of an impact does this have on traditional notions of vegetarianism and meat-eating? Are groups and individuals becoming more or less strict about their eating practices?
These are the ideas that led me to research this aspect of food in 21st-century India, and my capstone project has given way to many exciting ideas surrounding this. My research focuses on the younger generations – specifically the newly emergent upper-caste practice of meat-eating. To support my research, I circulated a questionnaire and conducted interviews to understand this practice and, generally, the role of younger members of urban-located families. This piece will touch upon some of the findings from my primary research.
One of the central questions I am investigating is the present influence of religion and caste norms on people born between the years 2000 and 2005. after the year 2000 – the GenZs, so to speak. When I asked the interview participants this question, they all replied no – that their religion and caste did not define what they ate. Most of them said that they continue to either be a vegetarian or eat meat simply because their family does – which, in most cases, is influenced by their caste background. However, the emphasis on personal choice is evident – many of the participants remarked that they like trying new types of cuisines and dishes. It is clear that there is no conscious connection between their eating practices and their caste or religion. Many participants who followed a vegetarian diet cited ethical concerns over their disinterest in trying meat now and in the future, specifically around animal rearing. Participants who do eat meat also touched upon this and mentioned that they have begun eating meat that has been sustainably sourced – from butchers they know of instead of purchasing packaged meat at supermarkets. Nutritional requirements and dietary influences are also relevant in meat choices – many remarked that they prefer eating white meat over red meat, and some participants who were raised Lacto-vegetarian have begun eating eggs for protein.
Beef continues to hold some ambivalence. Some participants who eat meat have tried beef, Chennai being a popular destination for first-timers, and they are open to eating it in the future. However, some of them remarked that their families would have a negative opinion of it. A few participants who have never tried beef are uncomfortable eating it and cited that their religious beliefs prohibit them from doing so. The idea of the sanctity of the cow within Hinduism continues to hold relevance for many, even within younger age groups. The influence of the college campus is fascinating to delve into as well. A few participants who are new to eating meat have stated that being on campus, away from home, and the weekly access to chicken through the cafeteria has helped familiarize them with meat. Being on campus also increases the probability of influences from friends and peers in one’s curiosity to try out new foods, which may not be possible for some at home. The many many Japanese restaurants in Sri City and Tada have increased the exposure to different types of meat and the cuisine itself as a segue into meat-eating for those new to it.
While caste may never entirely be removed from food, other factors, such as nutrition, access, and, in large part, curiosity – are beginning to be more influential in the eating practices of young adults. Further research into this area could glean essential insights into a practice that is all around us.
Komentáre